霸權(quán)陽剛之氣的概念，制定了二十年前，已大大影響了對男人，性別和社會階層近期思考。它提供了男性研究（又稱AUTHORS'NOTE不斷增長的研究領(lǐng)域之間的聯(lián)系：作者感謝期刊的審稿人，帕特·馬丁，，麥克·梅斯納爾，和Kirsten德林格，關(guān)于這方面的一個早期草案非常有益的意見一篇文章。我們還要感謝約翰·費舍爾，他的耐心和書目數(shù)據(jù)庫的創(chuàng)造性搜索為本文提供了必要的支持。男子氣概研究，男性批判性研究），關(guān)于男人和男孩流行的憂慮，父權(quán)制的女權(quán)主義者賬戶，社會學(xué)模型性別。
The concept of hegemonic masculinity, formulated two decades ago, has considerably influenced recent thinking about men, gender, and social hierarchy. It has provided a link between the growing research field of men’s studies (also known as AUTHORS’NOTE: The authors are grateful to the journal’s reviewers, Pat Martin, Mike Messner, and Kirsten Dellinger, for extremely helpful comments on an earlier draft of this article. We also extend our thanks to John Fisher, whose patient and inventive searching of bibliographical databases provided essential support for this article. masculinity studies and critical studies of men), popular anxieties about men and boys, feminist accounts of patriarchy, and sociological models of gender.

它已發(fā)現(xiàn)用于應(yīng)用領(lǐng)域，從教育和反暴力工作，健康和咨詢。數(shù)據(jù)庫檢索顯示論文200余篇，在他們的標(biāo)題或摘要使用準(zhǔn)確的術(shù)語“霸權(quán)陽剛之氣”。論文使用的變體，或在文本參考“霸權(quán)男性氣概”，運行到幾百。持續(xù)的興趣是會議中。 2005年5月上旬，會議，“霸權(quán)男子氣概與國際政治，”在曼徹斯特，英國大學(xué)舉行; 2004年，在斯圖加特一個跨學(xué)科會議專門討論的題目是“Hegemoniale M.nnlichkeiten”（丁格斯，Ründal和鮑爾2004年）。

It has found uses in applied fields ranging from education and antiviolence work to health and counseling. Database searches reveal more than 200 papers that use the exact term “hegemonic masculinity” in their titles or abstracts. Papers that use a variant, or refer to “hegemonic masculinity” in the text, run to many hundreds. Continuing interest is shown by conferences. In early May 2005, a conference, “Hegemonic Masculinities and International Politics,” was held at the University of Manchester, England; in 2004, an interdisciplinary conference in Stuttgart was devoted to the topic “Hegemoniale M.nnlichkeiten” (Dinges, Ründal, and Bauer 2004). 

The concept has also attracted serious criticism from several directions: sociological, psychological, poststructuralist, and materialist (e.g., Demetriou 2001; Wetherell and Edley 1999). Outside the academic world, it has been attacked as— to quote a recent Internet backlash posting—“an invention of New Age psychologists” determined to prove that men are too macho. This is a contested concept. Yet the issues it names are very much at stake in contemporary struggles about power and political leadership, public and private violence, and changes in families and sexuality. A comprehensive reexamination of the concept of hegemonic masculinity seems worthwhile. If the concept proves still useful, it must be reformulated in contemporary terms. We attempt both tasks in this article.

ORIGIN, FORMULATION, AND APPLICATION 


Origin 

The concept of hegemonic masculinity was first proposed in reports from a field study of social inequality in Australian high schools (Kessler et al. 1982); in a related conceptual discussion of the making of masculinities and the experience of men’s bodies (Connell 1983); and in a debate over the role of men in Australian labor politics (Connell 1982). The high school project provided empirical evidence of multiple hierarchies—in gender as well as in class terms—interwoven with active projects of gender construction (Connell et al. 1982). These beginnings were systematized in an article, “Towards a New Sociology of Masculinity” (Carrigan, Connell, and Lee 1985), which extensively critiqued the “male sex role” literature and proposed a model of multiple masculinities and power relations. In turn, this model was integrated into a systematic sociological theory of gender. The resulting six pages in Gender and Power (Connell 1987) on of Southern Maine, Portland, ME 04107; e-mail: mschmidt@usm.maine.edu. Downloaded from gas.sagepub.com by guest on December 21, 2012 “hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity” became the most cited source for the concept of hegemonic masculinity. The concept articulated by the research groups in Australia represented a synthesis of ideas and evidence from apparently disparate sources. But the convergence of ideas was not accidental. Closely related issues were being addressed by researchers and activists in other countries too; the time was, in a sense, ripe for a synthesis of this kind. The most basic sources were feminist theories of patriarchy and the related debates over the role of men in transforming patriarchy (Goode 1982; Snodgrass 1977). Some men in the New Left had tried to organize in support of feminism, and the attempt had drawn attention to class differences in the expression of masculinity (Tolson 1977). Moreover, women of color—such as Maxine Baca Zinn (1982), Angela Davis (1983), and bell hooks (1984)—criticized the race bias that occurs when power is solely conceptualized in terms of sex difference, thus laying the groundwork for questioning any universalizing claims about the category of men.

Formulation
Application
CRITIQUES
The Underlying Concept of Masculinity
Ambiguity and Overlap
The Problem of Reification
The Masculine Subject
The Pattern of Gender Relations
REVIEW AND REFORMULATION
What Should Be Retained
What Should Be Rejected
What Should Be Reformulated
CONCLUSION

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